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International Security Studies (No.3)

书 名: International Security Studies (No.3)
英 文 名: 国际安全研究
作 者: TANXiuying 陶坚
I S B N: 978-7-5097-9379-4
关 键 词:  国家安全 研究 世界 英文
出版日期: 2016-07-01

中文摘要

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文章列表

CommonID:DIR_17229252,ID:7229252,SiteID:14,Type:formerAidText,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198258,name:Great Expectations for International Security Studies,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:null,AbstractEN:null,KeyWords:null,EKeyWords:null,SubjectWords:null,LiteratureId:7229253,Fileref:null,OrderFlag:0,IsLeaf:Y,PubDate:null,FindDate:null,IssueDate:null,DocType:null,ProductSeries:null,Doi:null,InstanceID:0,MinNodeSearch:null,XmlID:null,Prop1:null,Prop2:null,Prop3:null,prop4:null,AddUser:admin,AddTime:2016-07-20 08:08:41.0,ModifyUser:Admin,ModifyTime:2021-11-02 23:58:39.0,HitCount:0,ShowType:putong,LogoID:0,PdfID:0,DownCount:0,AuthorInfos:null,BookPublishDate:2016-07-01 00:00:00.0,SearchTitle:Great Expectations for International Security Studies,ISBN:978-7-5097-9379-4,BookTitle:International Security Studies (No.3),BookStatus:9,AllowDownload:Y,BookVersionNum:null,researchorg:null,CopyRightDate:null,ExcellentPeriod:null,PrizeLevel:null,IsExcellence:null,ContentClass:null,IsDisabled:N,SearchTitle_2:Great Expectations for International Security Studies,_RowNo:1
CommonID:DIR_17229254,ID:7229254,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198259,name:A New Game Needs a New System,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

Globalization has ushered in new political conditions and new political issues which goes beyond modernity. Internal politics and international politics, two political layers of the framework of modern political thinking, cannot effectively expound and solve political problems on the global scale, hence the need to introduce a global political analytical framework befitting the new global conditions. In contrast with modern political thinking which is based on the concept of hostile and competitive game, globalization has promoted universalization of knowledge, information and technology, and consequently symmetrical imitation of strategies will bring no gains but self-destruction. Moreover, with the high interdependency in economy and existence resulting from globalization, a new power, made up of global capital, shared technology and common media, is exerting its networked global dominance. This new power derives its authority not from its strength but from service, and its new power formula is: service is power. Thus the challenge for the global politics is not hostile competition but the optimization of co-existence. The new all-under heaven system, based on non-exclusive co-existence, holds the best chance to the resolution of political and economic problems on the global scale and world peace.

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ZHAO Tingyang, Professor of philosophy at Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

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CommonID:DIR_17229263,ID:7229263,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198260,name:State Capacity and Recurring Civil Conflicts11497473,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

The impacts of extractive capacity upon recurring civil conflicts are non-linear and conditional. This relationship is determined by three mechanisms that run in opposite directions. In the long run, stronger state capacity is expected to make military rebellion more difficult and expensive. In the short run, however, the effort to strengthen extractive capacity will increase taxpayers’ financial stress, thus engendering their grievance against the government and sympathy towards rebels. In the meantime, a government that attempts to raise more tax money will make its peace commitment less credible and endanger the fragile peace in the post-conflict period. Based upon the regression analysis of 138 civil conflicts in 70 countries from 1960 to 2007, this paper finds that how state capacity influences relapse to civil wars is essentially a domestic process. Specifically speaking, where there was a decisive victory in the previous episode of a conflict, increase in state capacity significantly makes the conflict less likely to recur. Nonetheless, the relationship is not significantly shaped by peace keeping operations. Furthermore, natural resources and foreign aid fail to significantly assist capable states in creating a more durable peace. Conversely, the two factors repress the independent influences of state capacity upon the recurrence of civil conflicts.

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LU Lingyu, Professor, Institute of African Studies, Zhejiang Normal University, China.

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CommonID:DIR_17229287,ID:7229287,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198261,name:The Evolution of China’s Security Challenges and Grand Strategy,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

This article examines changes in China’s security perceptions since 1949 and sketches the evolution of China’s grand strategy. In tracing the evolution of China’s security perceptions and grand strategy since 1949, it identifies elements of change as well as continuity. The changes reflect dramatic developments in the PRC’s capabilities and the international circumstances it faces, both of which have shaped the grand strategic choices of China’s leaders. During most of the Cold War decades, a relatively weak China’s vulnerability to serious military threats from much more powerful adversaries led the CCP to adopt grand strategies focused on coping with a clearly defined external security challenge. After the Cold War and especially in the 21st century, an increasingly complex array of internal and external security concerns confronts China’s leaders with new challenges. The paper concludes with a discussion of the significance of the recently established National Security Commission and offers brief observations about its potential significance for the CCP’s leadership in their fight against the new domestic and international security challenges it faces. The novelty of China’s security challenges at home and abroad in the 21st century is a consequence of the end of the Cold War international order and perhaps more importantly, a consequence of China’s successful modernization since 1979.

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Avery Goldstein, David M. Knott Professor of Global Politics and International Relations, Political Science Department, and Director of Center for the Study of Contemporary China, University of Pennsylvania.

"}},BookPublishDate:2016-07-01 00:00:00.0,SearchTitle:Evolution of China’s Security Challenges and Grand Strategy,ISBN:978-7-5097-9379-4,BookTitle:International Security Studies (No.3),BookStatus:9,AllowDownload:Y,BookVersionNum:null,researchorg:null,CopyRightDate:null,ExcellentPeriod:null,PrizeLevel:null,IsExcellence:null,ContentClass:null,IsDisabled:N,SearchTitle_2:Evolution of China’s Security Challenges and Grand Strategy,_RowNo:4
CommonID:DIR_17229312,ID:7229312,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198262,name:Peace at a Price: Strategic Studies of Current International Security and War Issues11497626,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the World War II and the victory of the Anti-Fascist War. The WWII is an unprecedented disaster for humanity and, however, it can never be guaranteed that world wars will not break out again in the future. Just as wars can be classified as cold wars and hot wars, peace can also be defined as cold peace and real peace. Cold Peace, as an unstable state in the international relations, may bring misleading perception of peace, where peace is taken for granted, and potential crises may lead to international conflicts/ wars. This is clearly reflected in concerns of western scholars as exemplified by what is called Kissinger’s Worry and Haass’s Question. This paper approaches the question from a strategic and historical perspective and draws the following three conclusions: 1) historically, it takes a long time for people to realize the negative impacts of wars; 2) currently, we are in a dangerous stage of cold peace in terms of international security; 3) the Sino-US and Sino-Japanese relations will be crucial to the major power relations that affect China’s the national security in the future. China should find ways to deal with the two major relations and play its role in maintaining the world peace.

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LIN Hongyu, professor and chair of the Department of International Politics, University of International Relations, Beijing, China.

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CommonID:DIR_17229325,ID:7229325,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198263,name:Securing the New Silk Road,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

The renewed Chinese ambitions to develop trade along the different branches of the Silk Road bring several new traditional and non-traditional security challenges. The Chinese government has vowed to address them with new security concepts. Yet, these concepts might not be adequate to advance China’s security interests. Moreover, China seems to have difficulties overcoming the contradictions between different security interests: the quest for prosperity and the safeguarding of security; China’s economic aspirations and their consequence of becoming the largest economy; peaceful development and unification with Taiwan and the regain of lost territories; and the dilemma in the guiding diplomatic principles. As a result of these contradictions, Europe faces three uncertainties: How will the tensions in the Pacific develop? How will China seek to defend its interests along the New Silk Road? How will the tensions in the Pacific affect China’s behavior in the common Eurafrasian interface? These uncertainties bring about two more strategic choices for Europe: trying to continue its work with China along the Silk Road and balancing; prioritizing the huge challenges in the wedge of hardship and Europe’s immediate neighbourhood and responding calls to join the United States in its rebalancing to the Pacific. This will make it difficult to establish meaningful cooperation and to work towards burden sharing with the European Union at the other end of the Silk Road.

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Jonathan Holslag, research fellow at the Brussels Institute of Contemporary China Studies, Belgium.

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CommonID:DIR_17229336,ID:7229336,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198264,name:The Maritime Channel in Southeast Asia and China’s Strategic Pivots11497681,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

With its transition from land power to sea power and the rapid expansion of its national interests, the security of maritime channels has become an important agenda for China. China has shifted its focus from the dilemma of Malacca Strait to the construction of a sea-lane network in its bid to protect its maritime rights and interests. To build its sea power as a strong nation, China should follow its “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” strategy and establish its strategic pivots at harbors at Sumatra Island and Kalimantan Island in Indonesia so as to improve its ability to ensure its navigational safety.

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ZHANG Jie, Associate Research Fellow at the National Institute of International Strategy, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Researcher at China Center for Collaborative Studies of the South China Sea.

"}},BookPublishDate:2016-07-01 00:00:00.0,SearchTitle:Maritime Channel in Southeast Asia and China’s Strategic Pivots,ISBN:978-7-5097-9379-4,BookTitle:International Security Studies (No.3),BookStatus:9,AllowDownload:Y,BookVersionNum:null,researchorg:null,CopyRightDate:null,ExcellentPeriod:null,PrizeLevel:null,IsExcellence:null,ContentClass:null,IsDisabled:N,SearchTitle_2:Maritime Channel in Southeast Asia and China’s Strategic Pivots,_RowNo:7
CommonID:DIR_17229352,ID:7229352,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198265,name:Security, Development and International Co-Prosperity (Part I)11497718,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

Under the guidance of the overall concept of national security, China is in need of a national security strategy centered on “effective security,” which is targeted at enhanced, relative, open, sustainable, multi-dimensional, developmental, common, coordinated, and moderate security. The strategic guiding principles are set forth for the sustainable development and effectiveness of China’s national security, that is, 1) combination of security with joint development; 2) integration of reactive and proactive approaches; 3) elimination of both direct and root causes; 4) enhancement of cooperation and defensive capacities; and 5) balance of domestic and international security. It is also desirable that China should reduce its reactive mindset, reinforce a proactive mindset and enhance its capacity in shaping and creating a favorable security environment. Effective security requires a centralized, efficient, professional and law-binding national security mechanism. The external layout should abide by the principle of “multi-dimensional and orderly implementation, balance of domestic and international security, and compatibility with capability.” This article expounds on the status quo of China’s national security strategy in the ten functional areas of security, political, military, economy, social, public, internet, religious, energy, environment and overseas security. After identifying the materialization of effective security and assessing the existing problems, it makes some suggestions about corresponding policies and strategic initiatives. China should also learn from the lessons of the United States and the Soviet Union whose misguided and excessive security concerns in the post-9/11 era and the late phase of the Cold War era respectively resulted in depletion of national strength, scattered resources, incompatible capacities and eventually the unsustainability of national security. Therefore, China should attach great importance to the co-prosperity and complementarity of security and development, take a path of sustainable development of national security with Chinese characteristics, and make its due contributions to world peace and development of the entire human race.

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The \u201CSIRPA Think Tank\u201D Compilation Group, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University.

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CommonID:DIR_17229381,ID:7229381,SiteID:14,Type:backAidText,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:198266,name:Notice to Contributors,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:7229248,AbstractCH:null,AbstractEN:null,KeyWords:null,EKeyWords:null,SubjectWords:null,LiteratureId:7229382,Fileref:null,OrderFlag:0,IsLeaf:Y,PubDate:null,FindDate:null,IssueDate:null,DocType:null,ProductSeries:null,Doi:null,InstanceID:0,MinNodeSearch:null,XmlID:null,Prop1:null,Prop2:null,Prop3:null,prop4:null,AddUser:admin,AddTime:2016-07-20 08:08:45.0,ModifyUser:Admin,ModifyTime:2021-11-02 23:58:39.0,HitCount:0,ShowType:putong,LogoID:0,PdfID:0,DownCount:0,AuthorInfos:null,BookPublishDate:2016-07-01 00:00:00.0,SearchTitle:Notice to Contributors,ISBN:978-7-5097-9379-4,BookTitle:International Security Studies (No.3),BookStatus:9,AllowDownload:Y,BookVersionNum:null,researchorg:null,CopyRightDate:null,ExcellentPeriod:null,PrizeLevel:null,IsExcellence:null,ContentClass:null,IsDisabled:N,SearchTitle_2:Notice to Contributors,_RowNo:9
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