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International Security Studies(No.2)

书 名: International Security Studies(No.2)
英 文 名: 国际安全研究.第2期
作 者: TAOJian
I S B N: 978-7-5097-8801-1
关 键 词:  国家安全 研究 世界 英文
出版日期: 2016-03-01

中文摘要

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文章列表

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CommonID:DIR_16605329,ID:6605329,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:187131,name:Shared Security:Chinese Perspectives on Non-Traditional Security11301812,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:6605323,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

As mankind faces a growing number of “common threats,” “common crisis awareness” has emerged within the international community. People have begun to realize the very nature of non-traditional threats and their impact on the global village,and to demand responses to those threats in the form of “shared security.” Based on traditional security theories and contributions in the field of peace studies,a constructivist “transitional form” of Western theories has taken shape. Various “independent forms” of non-traditional security theories have subsequently been created,and they all share the common value orientation of “constructed security.” The key to achieving “shared security” lies in how to deal with “heterogeneous” phenomena in the international community. China’s security ideals and diplomatic style are unique when compared with those of the Western world. Chinese concepts such as “Bao He Tai He”(great harmony is preserved in union),“Wan Guo Xian Ning”(the myriad states all enjoy repose),“He Er Bu Tong”(harmony but not sameness),and “Tian Xia Da Tong”(unity of the entire world)all embody rich intellectual resources and the core values for “shared security.” Recently,Chinese scholars have contributed to the growing discourse on “shared security” by proposing such theoretical frameworks as the “New Tian-Xia Doctrine,” “the Common Security of Human Beings,” “the Common Security of Multi-actors,” and “the Deepening of Global Governance.” Finally,the author proposes a re-examination of China’s diplomatic practices and argues that “shared security” is not only theoretically valid for non-traditional security but also very feasible in practice.

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Yu Xiaofeng,Professor of the School of Public Affairs,Director of Center for Non-Traditional and Peaceful Development Studies,Zhejiang University,Hangzhou,China.

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CommonID:DIR_16605364,ID:6605364,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:187132,name:Re-conceptualizing State Responsibility:Human Security Protection,Conflicts and Governance,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:6605323,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

Different from the perspective of traditional national security,human security is an essential component of non-traditional security. Human security is influenced by multi-dimensional factors. Human security will be threatened if one or more of these dimensional factors get twisted. Such threats,once accumulated to a certain level,may trigger a conflict. While some factors may have a low correlation with conflict,some other factors may have a multiplying effect in triggering the conflict. Further,conflict may be triggered by a single factor or multiple factors. Poor governance may lead to escalation of conflicts. Deep understanding of triggering effects and their correlation with conflicts is essential to addressing the root causes and the management of conflicts effectively. Concepts of human security,state responsibility of protection and neo-interventionism have been developed in succession. Though the people-centered security framework draws global attention,it should be recognized that there is no international consensus on an optimal type of governance. However,according to the Charter of the United Nations,the primary responsibilities of human security protection should be rested on the government of a state. The principle of sovereignty remains the fundamental principle of international relations,which should be the guiding principle for addressing human security issues.

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He Changchui,Ph.D.,Professor(part-time),Institute of International Relations,Peking University;Former Deputy Director-General,Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.

"},"XUAN Li":{"Address":"","Affiliation":"","Email":"","Role":null,"Photo":null,"Blurb":"

Xuan Li,Ph.D.,Research Fellow,World Trade Institute,Switzerland.

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CommonID:DIR_16605427,ID:6605427,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:187133,name:Constructing and Conceptualizing “Interdependent Hegemony” in an Era of the Rise of the BRICS and Beyond11302038,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:6605323,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

The paper aims to provide a framework for understanding the global impact of the rise of the “Second World”(emerging powers,such as BRICS)brought about by globalization and the transformation of international relations and international political economy. The paper takes the point of departure from one of Gramsci’s key conceptual categories and analytical apparatus,e.g. “hegemony,” to explore the extent that the upsurge of the emerging powers has reshaped the terrain and parameters of social,economic and political relations both at the national and global levels,and has exerted pressure on the existing international order in terms of both opportunities and constraints. The paper intends to examine the dialectical nexus between the role of the emerging powers as a counter-hegemonic,socio-economic and socio-political force for a new world order. The paper’s analytical approach is to combine neo-Gramscian hegemony theories with critical post-hegemony theories. The conclusion of the paper is to suggest that in an era of globalization and transformational capitalism it is impossible for the emerging powers to establish an alternative independent hegemony;rather,the world will witness a new era of “interdependent hegemony,” in which both the “First World” and the “Second World” are intertwined in a constant process of shaping and reshaping the world order in the nexus of national interest,regional orientation,common economic and political agendas,security alliance and potential conflicts.

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Li Xing,Professor,Director of the Research Center on Development and International Relations,Department of Culture and Global Studies,Aalborg University,Denmark。

"},"Oscar Garcia Agustin":{"Address":"","Affiliation":"","Email":"","Role":null,"Photo":null,"Blurb":"

Oscar Garcia Agustin,Associate Professor,Department of Culture and Global Studies,Aalborg,Denmark.

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CommonID:DIR_16605448,ID:6605448,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:187134,name:“Sovereignty as Responsibility”:Intellectual Sources,Evolving Paths,and Theoretical Debates11302091,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:6605323,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

“Sovereignty as Responsibility” or “Responsible Sovereignty” has emerged as a new issue in IR and sovereignty studies. On the one hand,its emergence stems from the historical logic of sovereignty and its inherent legitimacy requirements;on the other hand,it is also a theoretical choice for dealing with current global issues and puzzles. In essence,“Sovereignty as Responsibility” is not a direct challenge or straightforward deviation from traditional sovereignty theories. During its transfer from Right to Responsibility,“Sovereignty as Responsibility” is actually a consequent product of sovereignty traditions(like Great-Power Responsibility). At the same time,it is also a developing term that enriches its meanings and contents in the process of concept building. Its connotation expands from the functions of “protection” and “prevention” to the function of “building” and even “care.” In general,studies of “Sovereignty as Responsibility” have gradually diverged into two different approaches;Libertarianism and Communitarianism. As a new-born framework,“Sovereignty as Responsibility” has demonstrated several theoretical characteristics in terms of structure,logic,standard,as well as content and levels. However,it also confronts some disputes in terms of theory and challenges in practice.

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Mao Weizhun,Associate Professor,School of Government,Nanjing University,Nanjing,Jiangsu,China。

"},"BU Yongguang":{"Address":"","Affiliation":"","Email":"","Role":null,"Photo":null,"Blurb":"

Bu Yongguang,Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science,Zhejiang School of Administration,Hangzhou,China.

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The “New Security Concept” put forward by the Chinese authorities at the turn of the century,with “mutual trust,mutual benefit,equality,and coordination” at its core,dealt mainly with non-traditional security approaches and measures in external security. However,it did not touch upon internal security or other traditional or non-traditional security issues in a broader sense. Therefore it is a low form of non-traditional security outlook and a low form of non-traditional national security outlook. When reviewing overall national security issues besides external security and international security,China has stuck to a traditional national security outlook. In comparison,taking “the people’s security as its aim,” the Overall National Security Outlook(ONSO)embodies non-traditional thinking and “attaches importance to both traditional and non-traditional security.” It is,therefore,an advanced non-traditional national security outlook. Though incorporating rich non-traditional national security issues,the ONSO deals with various traditional national security issues,as well. The ONSO is non-traditional in that it handles and highlights non-traditional national security issues;it is holistic because it pays dual attention to both traditional and non-traditional national security issues;it is advanced as it incorporates both traditional and non-traditional national security issues by means of non-traditional thinking.

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Liu Yuejin,Professor of the Department of Public Administration,University of International Relations,Beijing.

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CommonID:DIR_16605494,ID:6605494,SiteID:14,Type:chapter,Code:null,ParentId:0,InnerCode:187136,name:A Study of China’s National Security System,ShortName:null,SubName:null,EnTitle:null,EnShortTitle:null,EnSubTitle:null,Level:0,BookId:6605323,AbstractCH:,AbstractEN:

In order to address the increasingly complicated and volatile security situation at home and abroad,the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has put forward clear strategic requirements “to improve the national security system” and taken as its general goal “to institute a centralized,unified,efficient and authoritative national security system,” which gives full expression to the important position of a national security system in the work of national security. China’s national security system refers to the sum total of the specific institutions and codes of conduct for the administration of national security and is aimed at providing institutional support to ensure that China is a secure state and has the capacity to remain so. The division of functions of national security,the administration system of state security organs,the management system of human resources for national security,the power-responsibility mechanism and legal guarantees are the essential elements that constitute China’s national security system. We can clearly understand the characteristics of China’s national security system in different periods and trace its development by studying its history. Besides,we must be fully aware that such problems as insufficient research into the national security system,unclear division of the functions of national security,lack of strength in the building of state security organs,and a lag in the construction of the legal system concerning national security,inhibit the full functionality of China’s national security system. If these problems are not solved in a timely manner,China will have difficulty resolving the various challenges to its national security. Therefore,the most effective ways to improve China’s national security system are:to define in a scientific and rational style the functions of China’s national security at the present stage,give full rein to the powers of the National Security Committee of the CPC Central Committee;and forge a high-quality national security force.

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LI Wenliang,Professor and Chair of Department of Public Administration,University of International Relations,Beijing,China.

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